Wednesday, 11 April 2012

Kenya: New Justice Effort Meets Scepticism

Judie Kaberia
4 April, 2012

Institute for War & Peace Reporting (London)
Judie Kaberia is an IWPR-trained reporter in Nairobi.

Kenyan's queue on 27 December 2007 to cast their vote in the country's General Election. Opinion polls put the presidential election as the closest since Kenya's independence in 1963.
Rights groups in Kenya are questioning whether a new taskforce set up by the Director of Public Prosecutions, DPP, to review criminal cases stemming from post-election violence in 2007 and 2008 will deliver justice.

They are concerned that the multi-agency taskforce could serve as a smokescreen for continuing inaction. Even if they are proved wrong, it is unclear whether the force will be able to ensure allegations against Kenyan police are properly dealt with.

Months of violence following a disputed presidential election in December 2007 left 1,333 people dead and 350,000 displaced. According to a December 2011 report by the advocacy group Human Rights Watch, only six cases have so far resulted in convictions in the Kenyan courts.
The 20-member taskforce was established on February 9 with a mandate to assess the progress of current investigations into the post-election violence, and to decide whether there is enough evidence to pursue 5,000 cases that are currently before the courts.

The panel, drawn from the DPP's office, the police, justice ministry, the attorney general's office and the witness protection agency, will make recommendations on what actions the government should take to bring the alleged perpetrators of the violence to justice. Dorcas Oduor, a top prosecution official who is heading the taskforce, pledged to submit a report with the recommendations before Kenya's next presidential election, scheduled for March 2013.

It is not the first time the Kenyan authorities have pledged to prosecute the perpetrators of violence. But so far its commitments have not translated into action.

The government twice submitted a bill that would have established a national tribunal to try election violence cases, but parliament rejected it on both occasions.

After the government repeatedly failed to launch domestic prosecutions, the International Criminal Court, ICC, launched its own investigations in March 2010.

The fact that this international intervention was necessary at all raises questions about the Kenyan state's willingness to ensure that justice is served. The announcement of the DPP taskforce came just two weeks after the ICC confirmed charges against four of the six suspects that the tribunal's prosecutor investigated.

In January 2012, ICC judges confirmed that Kenya's deputy prime minister, Uhuru Kenyatta, former higher education minister William Ruto, cabinet secretary, Francis Muthaura, and Kass FM radio presenter Joshua Arap Sang would face trial for crimes against humanity, as alleged orchestrators of the violence.

"It is interesting that the government is talking again about bringing accountability to the victims. This is the third time that the DPP has put together a team to investigate the 5,000 cases, but nothing [has yet] happened," Neela Ghoshal, Nairobi-based researcher for Human Rights Watch, said.
"Sometimes the justice system can function independently. But the big question is how many Kenyans trust the local courts? Any time there is something happening at the ICC, the government makes many statements on how it's going to seek justice in Kenya."

On past record, Ghoshal has yet to be convinced that the new taskforce will pave way for prosecutions of lower- and mid-level perpetrators.

"What different is this taskforce going to make?" she said. "There are thousands of cases out there. One cannot really trust such statements from the government until we see the results. There are other areas in which the government - if it cared about the victims - could have made a difference yesterday."
Opposition supporters brandish crude weapons during protests in Nairobi December 31, 2007.
FAILURE TO ADDRESS POLICE ROLE IN VIOLENCE

According to the Commission of Inquiry on Post Election Violence, an international investigative panel set up by the Kenyan government, police were responsible for at least 405 fatal shootings and hundreds of injuries and rapes during the disturbances of 2007-08.

In its investigations into the actions of top-level figures accused of sponsoring the violence, the ICC found reasonable grounds to believe that police were deployed in strongholds of the coalition government's Orange Democratic Movement, including Kisumu, and used excessive force against civilians.

Despite this, no member of the police force has been convicted. One police officer was prosecuted in relation to police shootings in Kisumu, but he was later released.

The Kenyan government insists investigations into the Kisumu shootings are continuing. But the DPP has not said how many of the 5,000 post-election violence cases currently before the courts involve allegations against the police.

Christine Alai of the International Centre for Transitional Justice, ICTJ, in Nairobi warned that the taskforce must not conduct substandard investigations into the actions of police, or omit important cases.

"It is obvious something has to be done with police... to ensure we can get accountability and that cases are not thrown out on technicalities. The process should not be a sham due to shoddy investigations. Victims and Kenyans are tired of sham processes," Alai warned, referring to previous investigations into the shootings in Kisumu.

Ghoshal says Kenyan police have repeatedly failed to admit responsibility for crimes against civilians. According to victims interviewed by Human Rights Watch, police failed to document complaints submitted during the violence.

"I have spoken to victims who were shot by police. They told me they went to the police and told them that they had been shot by the police. And a number of police said to them, "Sorry we can't [accept] that," said Ghoshal.

Ghoshal contrasted the authorities' failure to bring criminal prosecutions with the civil cases which a number of victims of the violence have successfully brought against police force members.
"Twenty victims have won the civil cases [against the police] and the majority of them in Kisumu and Nairobi, yet the attorney general has refused to pay damages, so where is the political will of the government?" Ghoshal said.

Ken Wafula, director of the Eldoret-based Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, doubts whether police will be investigated and prosecuted. He would like to see a local tribunal drawn from international as well as Kenyan legal experts.

"There are challenges. How do you grill the police who are supposed to carry out the investigations? Some of them are perpetrators. That is why we have been asking for a special tribunal. It would have been the most appropriate mechanism to address this matter," he said.
It is not yet clear whether the panel will be able to call for such a special tribunal to be set up to handle outstanding cases, if it deems that appropriate.

Prime Minister of Kenya, Raila Odinga.

ARE AUTHORITIES WILLING OR ABLE TO PURSUE CASES?

Kenya's former justice minister, Mutula Kilonzo, who is now in charge of education, acknowledges that it has been a challenge to prosecute police accused of committing crimes during the unrest.
Kilonzo spoke to IWPR shortly before he was replaced as justice minister on March 27 by Eugene Wamalwa of the coalition government's Party of National Unity.

"Let's appreciate that reforms in the police force are ongoing. The mere fact that crimes were committed by police does not in the end mean that crimes will be covered [up]," he said. "There is also a difference between regular police and the Criminal Investigation Department. I am confident that it is possible to prosecute even police involved in the [post-election] crimes."

Citing a shortage of prosecutors and a lack of funding, Kilonzo warned that the DPP might still struggle to conduct effective prosecutions

"The challenge is that DPP only [exists as a] structure. It is not well funded. It does not have sufficient capacity [and] it has only 93 prosecutors and very little money," he said.
Kilonzo also expressed concern that politicians might interfere with the justice process since some of them view any process designed to uncover the truth about the post-election violence as directed against them.

"Politicians should stop politicising and stop thinking it's about them. They assume the taskforce is about them. The fact is that international crimes occurred in Kenya," he said. "These things happened and will affect the country in future if this is not resolved."

There have been mixed reactions to the DPP's move to make progress on outstanding cases.
Mzalendo Kibunjia, the chairman of the National Cohesion and Integration Commission, NCIC, says the review of the cases comes too late, as Kenyans are now starting to move on from the horrors of 2008.

"I think this is going to open the wounds. The government did not do anything for all these years - people have now begun to heal. This is going to worsen the problem," he said.

By contrast, Wafula believes that reexamining the cases and moving ahead with prosecutions is a necessary evil in order to unearth the truth about the violence and thereby help prevent a repetition of it, particularly around next year's elections.

"It is late, yes; but it is necessary to set an example to Kenyans as they go to the polls. A form of prosecution is good so that people cannot repeat the same [crimes]," he said.

Wafula believes it would make sense to reduce the 5,000 cases to about 300. He argues that this would allow the DPP to deliver exemplary justice while also processing a more manageable number of cases and ensuring the necessary witnesses and solid evidence are in place.

"Let them sieve through the 5,000 cases and thin down to a few cases with evidence. Then deal with perpetrators, to send a message," Wafula said.

Alai of the ICTJ, however, wants as many cases as possible to be investigated thoroughly and objectively.

"It's not a numerical issue," she said, adding that the reasons for past delays in the justice process should also be exposed.

"We have to know what happened for the past four years. Why did the process stall?" she said.
Alai hopes that the DPP's initiative is not an attempt to cement the Kenyan government's challenge of admissibility at the ICC. Last August, ICC judges rejected a challenge to the legality of the court's intervention in Kenya.

Following the confirmation of charges against four suspects this January, lawyers lodged a second admissibility challenge based on the view that the alleged crimes were not serious enough to fall under the ICC's jurisdiction. The court's appeal judges are currently considering this submission.
"Let [the government] not focus on ICC, let the process take its course," Alai said.

Source: http://allafrica.com/stories/201204041065.html

Wednesday, 4 April 2012

Guatemala becomes the 121st State to join the ICC’s Rome Statute system

Press Release: 03.04.2012

ICC-CPI-20120403-PR783
Guatemala deposits its instrument of accession to the Rome Statute of the ICC at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on 2 April 2012 © UN/Win Khine
On 2 April 2012, the United Nations received from the Government of the Republic of Guatemala its instrument of accession to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Rome Statute will enter into force for Guatemala on 1 July 2012, bringing to 121 the total number of States Parties.

The ICC welcomed Guatemala's accession to the Rome Statute. The ICC President, Judge Sang-Hyun Song, stated: “I am delighted that the statements made by Guatemala at the Review Conference of 2010 as well as the latest Assembly of States Parties concerning its intention to join the ICC have now fully materialised. With the historic step now taken by Guatemala, only two countries in Central America – El Salvador and Nicaragua – remain outside the Rome Statute system, and I hope they too will actively consider acceding to the treaty in the near future”.

The President of the Assembly of States Parties, Ms Tiina Intelmann, commented: “The accession by Guatemala is a testament to the will and steadfast determination of its people and its leaders to strengthen the rule of law and to contribute to the international endeavour to end impunity for egregious crimes”.

Source: http://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/exeres/E2BBA18C-A830-4504-B9BE-6F118C3690F7.htm

Friday, 30 March 2012

Building the First Line of Defense against Impunity: Podcast with Phakiso Mochochoko

LISTEN TO THE PODCAST HERE

Earlier this month the International Criminal Court (ICC) handed down its first verdict, finding former rebel leader Thomas Lubanga Dyilo guilty of conscripting and using child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

This historic verdict was over three years in the making, and comes just before the court celebrates its 10 year anniversary in July of this year. While this marks a critical milestone in the international justice movement, the court’s critics and supporters alike point out there is much room for improvement, not least in the length of time required for the ICC to deliver justice.

But the ICC is just a component of a larger system of international justice, notes Phakiso Mochochoko, head of the Jurisdiction, Complementarity, and Cooperation Division of the ICC, in ICTJ’s last podcast in our series on complementarity. In fact, “the first line of defense for ending impunity is that of states.”
Secretary-General Kofi Annan speaks at the opening ceremony of the signing of the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court, Rome, 18/07/98. UN# 199398C UN/DPI/E/Schneider.
The Rome Statute "created a system of international justice, with national judicial systems being at the center of this as the first bulwark against impunity," he explains. “The ICC is intended to work with national judicial systems and to intervene only if and when such national judicial systems are either unwilling or unable generally to prosecute.”

Under this rubric, he says, a crucial part of the ICC’s mandate is to work with national judicial systems, ensuring they are able to carry out investigations and prosecutions of war crimes and crimes against humanity. We can look to the International Crimes Division of Uganda’s High Court as an example.

“We have worked with the Ugandan authorities, sharing our experiences and information with them and showing them at least how to handle cases of this magnitude. And this has resulted in the war crimes tribunal in Uganda being able to investigate and prosecute one of the criminals in Uganda.”

The global struggle against impunity relies on a frontline of national judicial systems willing and able to prosecute war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. “We have talked enough about complementarity that there are enough people who understand it,” Mochochoko concludes. “It is now time for action.”

Source: http://ictj.org/news/building-first-line-defense-against-impunity-podcast-phakiso-mochochoko

Monday, 26 March 2012

Legal Actions against Argentine Officers who Tortured Conscripts during Malvinas War

Monday, March 26, 2012 - 08:15 UTC
MercoPress South Atlantic News Agency

The Buenos Aires Provincial Memory Commission, CMP, will present on Monday an appeal to the Argentine Supreme Court demanding that tortures and other ill treatments suffered by the Argentine conscripts during the Malvinas war by their own officers be considered ‘crimes against humanity’ and therefore imprescriptible.


“The question of the Malvinas war cannot be disassociated from the regime that produced it: the military dictatorship (1976/1983). Nor its illegal methods in the continent from those applied in the Islands”, said the Commission.

The CMP representatives including Nobel Peace laureate Adolfo Perez Esquivel are scheduled to attend at midday Monday the Tribunals Palace in Buenos Aires to make an Amicus Curiae (Friends of the Court) presentation in the case of human rights violations committed by Argentine officers during the Malvinas war.
Nobel Peace laureate Perez Esquivel
The initiative supports a recent request from the Criminal Chamber Prosecutor Javier De Luca who asked the Argentine Supreme Court to rule if tortures and other abuses denounced by Argentine soldiers against officers during the war must be considered crimes against humanity of war crimes.
The presentation includes almost a hundred cases involving Argentine Armed Forces officers, but the investigation was paralyzed once the Annulment Chamber argued that the crimes had prescribed.
Among the claims are cases of staking soldiers to the ground, deaths caused because of lack of food and even killings.

Last week President Cristina Fernandez received the ‘Rattenbach Report” which analyzes the political and military responsibilities of the Malvinas war. Originally elaborated after the conflict by a commission headed by General Benjamin Rattenbach, it was considered too crude and damning towards the commanding officers and then military caretaker president Reynaldo Bignone impeded its release.


Source: http://en.mercopress.com/2012/03/26/legal-actions-against-argentine-officers-who-tortured-conscripts-during-malvinas-war.

Thursday, 22 March 2012

Sri Lanka Ethnic Groups Divided over UN Resolution

Monday, 19 March 2012

Update: Historic Verdict Condemns Warlord, but Hague Court Limited

By Anthony Deutsch
THE HAGUE | Wed Mar 14, 2012 3:06pm EDT
The war crimes court at The Hague found Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga Dyilo guilty on Wednesday in its first ever ruling after a decade of work limited largely to Africa while major cases elsewhere remain beyond its reach.

The International Criminal Court convicted the little known militia leader of using child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo. But critics noted that deadlock among world powers means the ICC is not even investigating daily tales of atrocity emanating from the Syria of President Bashar al-Assad.

Another sitting head of state, Sudan's Omar al-Bashir, cocks a snook at a three-year-old arrest warrant. And big states including the United States, Russia and China, none of which accepts the jurisdiction of the Court, trade charges of hypocrisy over their own behavior in places like Iraq, Chechnya or Tibet.

Navi Pillay, a former ICC judge who now heads the U.N. human rights agency, hailed the first verdict in the court's 10-year existence as a "major milestone in the fight against impunity".
But her own agency has been forced to lock away evidence it has gathered against Syrian officials of crimes against humanity during the past year's crackdown on anti-Assad protests, due to the international stalemate in the U.N. Security Council, the only body empowered to order an ICC investigation on Syria.

Many in Congo, and on a continent long ravaged by men like him, welcomed that Lubanga, 51, had been brought to book for snatching boys and girls aged under 15 and forcing them to fight in a five-year jungle war that killed some 60,000 people in the east of the country around the turn of the century.

He will be sentenced only later, and has a month to appeal.

But some Africans grumbled the ICC does too little to hold to account others elsewhere, or is succeeding only in hitting the small fry, or losers like former Ivory Coast president Laurent Gbagbo, who now sits in custody on the Dutch coast.

Watched among others by actress and human rights campaigner Angelina Jolie, Lubanga sat impassively in the dock in white robes and cap, having denied all charges. Yet one of his co-accused still serves as general in the Congolese army - a vivid reminder of the political limitations on the court.
Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga is seen behind his lawyers in the courtroom of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague March 14, 2012.
 "SHIELDED FROM THE COURT"


It was set up to provide a permanent forum after ad hoc tribunals, inspired by the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders, were used to prosecute those responsible for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and for the Rwandan genocide of the 1990s.

"Two decades ago, international justice was an empty threat," Pillay said. "Since then a great deal has been achieved and the coming of age of the ICC is of immense importance in the struggle to bring justice and deter further crimes."

But the ICC can work only with the assent of political leaders: "Is it going to give pause to Bashar al-Assad?" asked Reed Brody, counsel for Human Rights Watch, of the conviction of a man he called a "small fish" in Africa. "I don't think so."

"Have we seen atrocities fall off in the world? We only have to look at Syria to know it's not the case," he said, noting how veto-wielding Russia and China were blocking Western and Arab efforts to have the Security Council act against Assad.

That is the only way to initiate a prosecution, since Syria, like Russia and China but also the United States, is not a party to the Rome Statute, which created the Court in July 2002. While most countries have signed up, the ICC's big opponents see it as a threat to national sovereignty and to their global interests.

"It's not the fault of the ICC," said Brody, who established a reputation as a scourge of dictators during efforts to try Chile's Augusto Pinochet and Haiti's "Baby Doc" Duvalier. "It's the fault of the Security Council and of the world order ... the international justice system does not operate in a vacuum."

While welcoming the verdict against Lubanga, which may help set a precedent for other cases involving the recruitment of child soldiers, he added: "Those countries with political power and their allies have been shielded from the court."

While there has been talk among international jurists of trying to mount a case against Assad other Syrian officials in the national courts of, for example Spain, Britain or Belgium, which have asserted global jurisdiction for crimes against humanity, there seems little immediate prospect of that.
Assad and his aides also run the risk that defeat could bring prosecution at home, as happened to Saddam Hussein in U.S.-occupied Iraq and faces the son of Muammar Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam, following his capture last year in Libya.

CHILD SOLDIERS

At The Hague on Wednesday, ICC Presiding Judge Adrian Fulford said in reading the court's historic first judgment: "The chamber concludes that the prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that Mr. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo is guilty of conscripting and enlisting children under the age of 15 years."

He was detained six years ago and faced three counts of war crimes. He could face up to life imprisonment. The three-judge panel said children were forced into camps in the Ituri region, where they were placed under harsh training regimes and brutally punished. Soldiers and army commanders under Lubanga's authority used girls as domestic workers and subjected them to rape and sexual violence, they said.

"The accused and his co-perpetrators agreed to, and participated in, a common plan to build an army for the purpose of establishing and maintaining political and military control over Ituri," they said. "This resulted in the conscription and enlistment of boys and girls under the age of 15."

Congolese Justice Minister Luzolo Bambi Lessa hailed the "historic" verdict and said the fact his country has more people facing justice at the ICC than any other showed critics of the Kinshasa government that it was serious about ending abuses.

In the eastern Congolese city of Goma, Sharanjeet Parmar of the human rights group the International Center for Transitional Justice, said: "The result is important for the ICC as Lubanga is its first trial. But more importantly for the DRC in terms of fighting the culture of impunity, because very few people who're accused of war crimes are brought to justice."

Local people, she added, were eager now to see some form of reparation made for their suffering - as well as Bosco Ntaganda, the general indicted along with Lubanga, handed over to the ICC.
"His continued liberty is actually a threat to peace," Parmar said. "It's important that he's handed over in light of the fact he is still implicated in ongoing violations."

AFRICAN SPOTLIGHT
 

Elsewhere in Africa, there was a welcome for a thug getting his just deserts, but some irritation that others, ranging from Israel and the United States, to Sri Lanka or Syria, had not felt the breath of ICC prosecutors at their heels.

At Bottom Mango Junction in Freetown, capital of Sierra Leone, people with memories of the civil war in their country - for which some are being tried in an internationally-backed local court - praised the ICC's concern for Africans, who have suffered more than most from the depredations of warlords.
"The ICC is treating Africa fairly," said Brian Ansumana, who sells diesel oil. "Because these warlords, they are using children in war, giving them guns, drugs. The ICC is in place to see that those crimes are not committed in Africa."

But in Dakar, capital of Senegal, businessman Papis Fall said: "The court is not fair. We're getting the impression that it focuses solely on African criminals. It should look for criminals everywhere, including America, Europe and ... Israel." George Mukundi of the South Africa-based Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, said of the Lubanga verdict: "What we Africans are saying is, yes, it's useful and good ... But we would also like to see justice done, and being seen to be done, in other cases around the world."

He also voiced concern that the ICC "seems to be looking at only one side of the coin" in targeting some warlords but not other leaders in complex national and regional conflicts.

SYRIAN CONFLICT

The United Nations estimates that some 8,000 Syrians have died in violence since an uprising against Assad began a year ago. Many are civilians and U.N. officials and independent rights groups have amassed evidence from refugees of deliberate killings of demonstrators by Syrian forces and of mass torture.

The United States and its allies have said Assad looks like a war criminal. But political deadlock among the great powers in the Security Council has tied the hands of ICC prosecutors.
"We can't even get a resolution condemning the crackdown, let alone an ICC referral, due to the Russian determination to prevent Council action," one diplomat said in New York.

U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland hailed the Lubanga judgment as "a historic and an important step in providing justice and accountability for the Congolese people".
But she made clear Washington was not about to change its view that the ICC should have no jurisdiction over Americans.

Amnesty International, another group which strongly supports the aims of the court, said: "Today's verdict will give pause to those around the world who commit the horrific crime of using and abusing children both on and off the battlefield."

Source: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/14/us-court-lubanga-idUSBRE82D0J620120314

(Additional reporting by Jonny Hogg in Kinshasa, Simon Akam in Freetown, Pascal Fletcher in Johannesburg and Diadie Ba and Mark John in Dakar, Sara Webb in Amsterdam, Stephanie Nebehay in Geneva and Louis Charbonneau at the United Nations; Editing by Alastair Macdonald and Peter Millership)

Wednesday, 14 March 2012

War Crimes Court Convicts Warlord Thomas Lubanga of Conscripting Child Soldiers

Published On Wed Mar 14 2012
Mike Corder 
Associated Press

THE HAGUE, NETHERLANDS—The International Criminal Court convicted a Congolese warlord on Wednesday of using child soldiers, a verdict hailed as a legal landmark in the fight against impunity for the world's most serious crimes.
Human rights advocates said the guilty verdicts against Thomas Lubanga — the first judgment in the court's 10-year history — should stand as a clear deterrent to armies around the world not to conscript children.

Actress and activist Angelina Jolie watched the verdicts from the court's public gallery and called them a victory for former child soldiers.

“This is their day — where these children will feel there is no impunity for what happened to them, for what they suffered,” Jolie said.

Lubanga will be sentenced following a hearing that will be scheduled later this year. He faces a maximum of life imprisonment.


The judgment came at a time when the court is under scrutiny for its inability to arrest key war crimes suspects and its impotence in not being able to intervene in the bloody conflict raging in Syria.
The court was catapulted into the limelight last week by the viral video Kony 2012, which highlighted how it still has not had Ugandan rebel Joseph Kony arrested nearly seven years after indicting him for crimes including using child soldiers, murder and torture.

The court has no police force of its own and has to rely on states to enforce its arrest warrants.
It also can only open investigations in the 120 countries that have recognized its jurisdiction or at the request of the UN Security Council. Nations including the United States, China, Russia and Syria are not members.

That means it can't launch a probe into widespread allegations that forces loyal to Syrian President Bashar Assad are systematically committing atrocities to put down an anti-government revolt.
So far, all seven of the investigations launched by the court are in Africa.

The highest profile suspects among five in custody are former Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo and ex-Congo Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has been indicted for genocide in Darfur but refuses to surrender to the court.

It took six years from the time Congo handed over Lubanga to his convictions, but ultimately the three-judge panel was unanimous in finding him guilty.

“The prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that Mr. Thomas Lubanga is guilty of the crimes of conscripting and enlisting children under the age of 15 years and using them to participate actively in hostilities,” said Presiding Judge Adrian Fulford.

Lubanga, wearing an ivory-coloured robe and skull cap, sat with his hands clasped in front of him listening to the verdict and showed no emotion as Fulford declared him guilty.

As he left court flanked by guards, Lubanga nodded and smiled to supporters in the public gallery.
The victory for prosecutors came after the case twice nearly collapsed because of their failure to disclose evidence to defence lawyers and despite harsh criticism from judges in their written judgment.

Fulford said three intermediaries used by prosecutors to approach witnesses in Congo “persuaded, encouraged or assisted witnesses to give false evidence” and scrapped the evidence of three witnesses.
Rights activists also criticized prosecutors for not charging Lubanga with sexual violence crimes, despite allegations that women and girls were raped and abused by his forces.

“The Prosecutor's office must review its limited investigation strategy adopted in the Lubanga case,” said Michael Bochenek of Amnesty International. “Lessons need to be learned for future cases.”
Lubanga led the Union of Congolese Patriots political group and commanded its armed wing, the Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of Congo, which recruited children — sometimes by force, other times voluntarily — into its ranks to fight in a brutal ethnic conflict in the Ituri region of eastern Congo.

The trial, which began in January 2009, was the first at an international court to focus exclusively on the use of child soldiers. It also was the first trial at an international tribunal to allow victims to participate in the courtroom and demand compensation.

The United Nations estimates tens of thousands of child soldiers are still fighting in conflicts from Africa to Asia and Latin America. Activists hope Wednesday's judgment will reduce the number.
“The guilty verdict against Lubanga is a strong warning to military commanders in Congo and elsewhere: using children as a weapon of war is a serious crime that can lead them to the dock,” said Geraldine Mattioli-Zeltner of Human Rights Watch.

Source: http://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/1145848--war-crimes-court-convicts-warlord-thomas-lubanga-of-conscripting-child-soldiers.